Nihat Erim to absolute nullity

Turkey has been vulnerable to imperialist intervention since the early 1950s. The last 75 years of the Republic have been shaped by examples of parties coming to power with foreign support, and when that proved insufficient, coups. Almost every government has been somehow involved in this cycle. The number of prime ministers or chiefs of general staff in this country who did not come from the United States can be counted on one hand. And of course, it's not just these people. Similar examples abound among those who have become heads of major institutions, and even among journalists.

This is the view from the government and the state. So, is it possible to discuss the opposition separately? Unfortunately, no. In a dynamic country like Turkey, with its established tradition of opposition, the struggle for democracy has always existed. This has been a constant threat to those in power. Therefore, the design of the opposition has become an issue they attach at least as much importance to as the government.

The opposition was also designed

The history of the AKP is also the history of the opposition's design. Starting with the years of partnership with the Gülen Movement, operations involving dozens of tactics such as threats, blackmail, and bribery continue at the same pace today.

The situation has remained unchanged since the ANAP-DYP alliance talks collapsed on the last day before the November 3, 2002, elections—the first election the AKP ever contested—and the Genç Parti's reemergence into the political arena. The tape scandal involving MHP deputies and the recruitment of opposition leaders, from Soylu to Kurtulmuş, have always surfaced at critical junctures in the country.

The election of Bahçeli after Türkeş's death, the presidential election process and the subsequent candidacy of Meral Akşener and Sinan Oğan in the İYİ Party are the first that come to mind as design activities taking place on the nationalist side.

But if the issue of the opposition's structure is to be discussed, the CHP undoubtedly deserves special attention. In every significant rupture in Türkiye, it has failed to act as a unified entity thanks to figures emerging from within the CHP. The first significant case can be considered CHP Kocaeli Deputy Nihat Erim, who was appointed prime minister after the March 12, 1971 coup. CHP Secretary General at the time, Bülent Ecevit, explained this situation by saying, "March 12 was a fine-tuned military coup, and aiding the Erim government would be tantamount to supporting a military coup."

The CHP has experienced many similar stories. Deniz Baykal's recent relationship with Erdoğan, Muharrem İnce's presidential candidacy, the candidacy debate within the CHP, and the current debates surrounding trustees and absolute nullity...

Whenever governments defending the interests of the dominant powers in Türkiye are in trouble, an individual or group disguised as the opposition invariably rushes to their aid. Sometimes this is motivated by personal gain, sometimes by blackmail, sometimes by ideological affiliation, or sometimes by "officials." The fact that the opposition is being manipulated by the dominant political establishment remains a calamitous misfortune that has never been surpassed.

THE ONLY WAY TO BE PURIFIED IS TO STRUGGLE

Having failed to generate public consent and having abandoned it, the government has only one solution left: to divide, fragment, and neutralize the opposition. From the CHP to the nationalists, and from there to the Kurdish movement, it has begun to attempt this path, and it will not give up easily. It seeks to derive two fundamental outcomes from this judicially-backed effort:

The first is to render the opposition unable to act together. He aims to do this primarily through the Kurdish issue and the Democratic Left Party (DEM). He's trying to isolate Kurdish voters, a core part of the opposition, from the radar.

Another topic he's been working on intensively for a year is dividing the CHP and rendering it inoperable. The fierce resistance coming from the CHP headquarters is being broken by the judiciary. Here, too, he's taking advantage of Trojan horses within the CHP.

The country has entered one of the most critical turning points in the republic's history. This isn't simply a power struggle. We are talking about a crossroads that will produce consequences that will plunge Türkiye into absolute darkness for many years to come. During this period, those who pursue group or personal gain will also be complicit in any crimes that will occur. Under these circumstances, the opposition's duty is nothing less than to strengthen unity and intensify the struggle.

Moments of difficult struggle are also moments of purification. A new country, a new society, can only be won through struggle.

Now is the time.