The ongoing tension in Olivos and the heated chat with Javier Milei about José Luis Espert's deceptions.

With a persuasive style that made it clear the concern wasn't just his, Guillermo Francos gave Javier Milei arguments to consider withdrawing José Luis Espert's candidacy . Patricia Bullrich did the same, although in a more energetic, almost defiant manner. Karina Milei and Santiago Caputo participated in the conversation, but didn't say a word. Their colleagues found their choice of silence suggestive, despite the fact that both opposed the economist's nomination long before the lists were made official and, along with the Libertarian leader, are the ones who have the greatest stakes at the polls on October 26. Is it an instinct for self-preservation, or do they perhaps know something the rest don't? The one who did intervene was Manuel Adorni: he asked Espert to come out again to explain himself, but this time without deception or chicanery, and stated that he had to do so urgently.

It happened on Thursday, during a tense chat session between members of the Mesa Política group, which was activated without warning while everyone was following on television the revelations of the link between the first candidate for the Chamber of Deputies for the province of Buenos Aires and Federico "Fred" Machado, a businessman investigated by a Texas prosecutor for laundering drug money and who is currently under house arrest at the La Gringa ranch in Viedma, awaiting the Supreme Court's decision on his extradition to the United States, which could occur as early as Tuesday.

The arguments of those demanding Espert's head are threefold: that he lied to everyone, that campaigning is impossible given the risk of something new appearing every day, and that he will end up sinking them at the polls . Those who do not participate in the Political Roundtable, such as Sandra Pettovello and Luis Petri, also attack Espert in private conversations and ask him to step aside so as not to cause further damage.

The Minister of Human Capital believes her actions undermine the government's narrative of purity and the presidential figure—already questioned by the Libra case and the Spagnuolo audio recordings—and the Minister of Defense sees his own campaign in Mendoza affected, where he avoids interviews because they would confront him with questions he can't and won't answer. To top it all off, Petri received a complaint this week from ATE, allegedly for illegally providing military facilities for the Quilmes Rock parking lot. The union is warning of the misappropriation of more than 80 million pesos.

The web of deception with which Espert exposes the Casa Rosada is worsening. It began when he couldn't answer whether or not he had received the $200,000 from Machado and dragged on when he gave explanations in a video that not only failed to convince anyone, but also heightened suspicions . The case could take a decisive turn very soon. Someone working in the shadows to obtain the information Espert is hiding warned that among the evidence that could be released would be the contract with Machado, which would not be for $200,000. Those gathering evidence speak of a figure five times higher: one million dollars. If that were to happen, how would Espert justify such a contract? What could Milei and her candidates argue?

The head of state was annoyed with Cabinet members who suggested he should remove Espert from the electoral race. He referred to the case as "hairdresser's gossip." In the chat, he recalled that Cristina Kirchner is in prison for corruption, spoke about López's handbags, the scenes at La Rosadita, and insulted Juan Grabois, who is promoting the complaint. Milei stated several times: "There is nothing proven against José Luis. I am not going to hand him over because it would be like declaring him guilty and because, at this point, keeping him on the list is the lesser evil." He added: "These Kirchnerist criminals are not going to get me to take a guy down."

Although they did so for a while, the members of the Political Committee assumed it wasn't worth it to persist. "That's it, he's the President and he's the one in charge. I'm not going to bring this up again," one of them confessed to his entourage. Another was more dramatic: "We're heading straight for the precipice."

Milei appears blinded. He can't even consider the reasoning of one of the members of his party who most supports him: "Javier believes that Peronism wants to demote Espert and that he can't give them that. What he doesn't understand is that Peronism is working to keep him, if possible, until the day before the election ." The wound is open and deep: the more blood is spilled, the better.

The opposition—not just Peronism—is preparing to act in Congress. On Wednesday at 12 noon, there will be a session in the Chamber of Deputies to try to remove Espert from the presidency of the Budget Committee. A show-stopper . Some leaders are preparing photos and posters to secure the attention of photographers and cameramen. Many of them anticipate that in December they will join forces to transform Espert into Edgardo Kuider. They want him out and publicly ridiculed.

There are three Sundays left until the elections. Espert's situation and the daily fluctuations in the markets could make that transition very tedious. Just six months ago, the ruling party was aiming for nearly 50 percent of the national vote. When the Spagnuolo case broke, it lowered its expectations to 40 percent. At one point, Milei even provoked the governors: "I'll see you on December 10th." Today, at her side, they implore "to win by one vote."

The weight of the country's most populous district will be decisive: if the result of the legislative elections were repeated, that is, a difference of almost fourteen points in favor of Peronism, the Libertarians would be forced to hold a magnificent, if not historic, election in Córdoba, Santa Fe, Mendoza, and Buenos Aires City to balance the balance. In the United States, after promising a disbursement of $20 billion to aid Argentina, they are following these circumstances with great interest. Some are wondering what would happen if La Libertad Avanza lost the elections. At the very least: would the conditions change?

The reappearance of U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent on the X platform, where he insisted that the Donald Trump administration "will do whatever it takes " to collaborate with Milei, encouraged Luis Caputo to state that negotiations are moving forward. The market, however, remains in a state of distrust, and volatility could increase as the election approaches.

Bessent's tweet and Milei's second meeting with Mauricio Macri in less than a week were the two events the government was able to celebrate amid ongoing tension at the Quinta de Olivos, which hasn't let up since February 14, when Milei recommended the cryptocurrency $Libra on social media. This led to the Spagnuolo scandal. Then came the rise of the dollar and the country risk, which coincided with the fall of presidential vetoes and other parliamentary defeats. Now suspicions about Espert have erupted. Too much for a government with little political support, an insignificant number of members in Parliament, no mayors, and a league of governors who previously helped and are now pushing to change the distribution of provincial taxes.

Talks with Macri once again revolved around these issues, which Milei always underestimated . The leader of the PRO party hadn't met with the libertarian lion for a year. His proposals remain the same: that the President put aside the insults, abandon the fight with economists and journalists, and strengthen the institutions. Now he's adding something else: a Cabinet reshuffle that would allow him to relaunch his administration. At the dawn of Milei's administration, Macri offered him a list of 20 experienced leaders for sensitive areas. Milei thought it was a good idea and agreed to discuss it with her sister. Karina dismissed the proposal.

At the second summit in Olivos, attended by Francos and Karina, Macri asked Milei what she planned to do with Espert. Her response consisted of a vigorous defense of the candidate. She pointed out that this was an operation to harm the government. She didn't offer a single comment on the 36 flights Espert made on Machado's plane (five with the businessman) or the payments she received for the 2019 campaign. Macri reminded her of the case of Fernando Niembro, who was a PRO deputy candidate in 2015 and resigned when it became known that his production company had received money from the Buenos Aires government. Second on the list, who rose to first at the time, was Silvia Lospennato. Espert's second in command is Karen Reichardt.

On Friday, when Macri left Olivos, the one who burst in, unplanned, was—to the surprise of the government's top officials, who learned about it on television—Espert himself. It's said the candidate had just spoken with his partner and children and, feeling exhausted, had decided to step aside .

He entered Olivos after 9 p.m. The decision had been made. But during that private conversation with Milei, something happened . At 10:14 p.m., Espert logged into X and posted: “I’m not downloading anything.”