In Portugal they still send people

In this weekend's local elections, politics once again became a matter of personal name. More than party rhetoric and factional logic—which still carry weight—voters valued the candidates' personal profiles, demonstrating that the vitality of local politics rewards personal branding far more than ideology and party banners.

The PSD made a great effort to field strong candidates, and thanks to that, it once again controls local government. It won in opposing cities like Lisbon and Porto, recaptured Gaia, conquered Sintra, and held on to Braga (by a hair's breadth). Such victories are worth two. And while some victories are significant because they are in the country's largest metropolises, others are valuable for their symbolism: cities like Guimarães, Beja, and Nazaré, victories that would have been unthinkable just a few years ago, now show us that there are no longer eternal electoral walls.

The Socialists lost the night, but José Luís Carneiro likely went to bed satisfied. The PS held some strongholds and halted the local Chega advance, which was unable to replicate its legislative results. Along the way, it recovered important cities, such as Coimbra, and also had the bonus of Viseu, where the local PSD's refusal to form a coalition with the CDS-PP and IL was enough to pave the way for last Sunday's most surprising result. Furthermore, some of the Socialists' most significant electoral victories—such as those of Ricardo Leão in Loures, Ana Abrunhosa in Coimbra, or João Azevedo in Viseu—were based on a rejection of a rhetoric of rapprochement with the far left, instead relying on a moderate approach and a keen listening ear to the local population. In this regard, it's worth emphasizing that Manuel Pizarro's positioning, running without the support of the Left Bloc, CDU, or Livre, created more problems for Pedro Duarte than the flotilla led by Alexandra Leitão, who failed to put a dent in Carlos Moedas, who seemed to be going badly in the months leading up to the election. José Luís Carneiro would certainly have preferred to have won the country's two main cities, but the defeats may, ironically, benefit his leadership more in the long run.

Chega, for its part, remained a prisoner of its own goals. It promised dozens of councils and only achieved three. Even so, the party's mobilization efforts, deploying its leading figures into the fray, are commendable. The truth is that Chega grew, won councils, entered executive offices, and quadrupled its vote count. The truth also tells us that the wave shrinks when the ballot doesn't say "Ventura," in an election where, of the national figures, only Rita Matias achieved results in line with the legislative vote. Chega is experiencing the usual growing pains and feeling the difficulties of those who haven't yet established themselves in the country, being much more vocal in protest. But it must be said that the strategy is clearly ambitious and well-structured, demonstrating a long-term vision that explains the most recent election results.

I was delighted to see the CDS maintain all its municipal councils and even add one more, which it led in coalition. The CDS further strengthened its influence in the coalitions it formed with the PSD and IL, where it negotiated key positions in the governance of major cities. In terms of presidencies, it is the fourth-largest party. Between rebirth and swan song, for now, it's proven: the CDS is alive and kicking. We'll soon see if the party recovers or is simply breathing its last breath. What is certain is that the death certificate many have given the party is proving quite premature.

Conversely, the CDU continues, in line with historical materialism, its dialectical overcoming toward disappearance. The loss of relevance has been persistent and seemingly irreversible. In this election, the CDU once again lost ground, losing key councils, confirming its slow agony. The old local machine is no longer infallible, and the communists' results are a clear reflection of the political and social decline of their message, which not even João Ferreira's strong showing in Lisbon can disguise.

Faced with the CDU's collapse, the Liberal Initiative decided to occupy the place traditionally reserved for communists when it came to claiming victory. Mariana Leitão, smiling, assured us that the party achieved all its objectives. This statement is factually true, but she forgets to warn us that the bar set was extremely low. Furthermore, the IL's growth is based primarily on the poorly negotiated perks of the coalitions in which it participated. It is true that it elected its first councilors on its own lists and added seats to shared executives. And where it fielded strong candidates (Braga, Castelo Branco), it surpassed double digits. In the main part of the country, however, results often fall below 2% abound. Unlike Chega, which declared itself defeated for having dreamed big, the IL claims victory because it has defined for itself an ambition that will make the liberals relevant sometime around 2143, when the nation celebrates its thousandth anniversary.

Regarding the Left Bloc and Livre, there's little to say, because their participation in local elections has demonstrated their current lack of power. And while in the case of BE, this should be confirmation that the party is close to bankruptcy (something easy to see, considering the most disruptive message the BE managed to present in these elections came from a candidate in Porto who criticized the "francesinha" (a French girl)), in the case of Livre, only time will tell whether or not there's room for the party to assert itself outside of the major urban areas.

Sunday's elections showed us something that should have been clear to everyone long ago: parties no longer own their votes. Voters increasingly reward hard work and personalities (as Isaltino Morais can attest). Those who strengthen themselves play; those who rely on their badges remain on the sidelines, joyfully celebrating victories that aren't theirs.