Industry, immigration, work, state secrets. The overflowing of the prosecutor's offices are not due acts

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In Italy, as we know, the most casual politicians have been trying for years to play with the levers of the judiciary to try to fight their political adversaries through the courts, often and willingly using the interpretation of the fight for the salvation of democracy to hide the invasions of the prosecutor's office. In Italy, as we know, the most casual politicians have long tended to make the commitment of the judiciary against the immorality of politics coincide with a great battle of so-called civilization, aimed at protecting the institutions from the irresponsibility of politics. And following this game plan, politics, for years, has chosen to turn a blind eye to a phenomenon that, in recent times, has assumed monstrous dimensions, such as to suggest to observers who have built a career disguising themselves as the letterbox of the prosecutor's office to reflect on what it means for a sovereign state to have a judiciary that has transformed the primacy of politics into a type of crime. The signals are sometimes imperceptible, sometimes more evident, sometimes more sensational, sometimes more subtle but they are always there, all of them, every day in front of us. And choosing not to see them, turning away, is not synonymous with balance: it is synonymous with complicity .

The latest case in the saga occurred last week, in Taranto, when the prosecutor's office, after an accident inside the former Ilva , first chose to seize the only blast furnace still in operation, then decided to ignore the plea of ​​the plant's commissioners who had warned that closing the blast furnace for more than 48 hours would compromise the activity of the blast furnace itself, and finally agreed to allow maintenance of the blast furnace outside the maximum time limit, compromising the already greatly reduced activity of Ilva. There are floods that affect the industrial policies of our country . And there are prosecutors' offices that have tried to appropriate the discretion of political action, becoming pure political actors themselves. This was the case of many courts that have chosen to fight a proud battle to demonstrate that the final word on immigration policies must be that of prosecutors and not that of governments. This was the case of the Rome prosecutor's office, which, using the formula of the due act, chose not to archive a complaint against the government in the Almasri case, perhaps considering the scope of state secrecy as a matter more concerning the judicial power than the executive. This was the case of the Milan prosecutor's office, which in recent months, as reported in Il Foglio by Ermes Antonucci , with his creative investigations used preventive seizures to induce many companies to hire thousands of workers on the basis of a legal acrobatics through which he charged the companies that stipulate the procurement contracts with any crimes committed by the companies to which they entrusted themselves. This was the case of the Florence prosecutor's office, which on several occasions tried to bypass the legislative power by acquiring the correspondence of former Prime Minister Matteo Renzi without asking for prior authorization from the Senate. And this was the case of the ANM, which, before being slapped by the Constitutional Court, for months evoked democratic alarm because of a law wanted by the government to review the crime of abuse of office .

Defending the judiciary from those who dream of replacing it with a phalanx of yes-men ready to make Italian justice a huge port of fog is sacrosanct. But defending Italy from a judiciary that by choosing to transform the profession of politics into a crime has found itself overflowing on every playing field is a battle of civilization that should excite anyone who dreams of having a judiciary interested in dealing with crimes and not a judiciary interested in being a political actor passing off its irresponsible overflows as very responsible due acts. Enough, thank you.

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